Last week, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued a unanimous ruling (its ‘advisory opinion’) in response to the questions posed by the UN General Assembly regarding the Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change.
Many rightfully view the advisory opinion as a milestone in the codification of states’ legal obligations and responsibilities concerning climate change. The ICJ’s advisory opinions are not legally binding, and the Court cannot compel countries to abide by its findings. But the opinion is consequential. Governments’ failure to act on climate change can now be argued to be a breach of law – with potential legal, financial and diplomatic consequences.
That could have significant implications. The threat of exposure to litigation in national courts may help force governments to more urgently reduce emissions and demonstrate their compliance with treaty negotiations. The opinion is also likely to be used as legal precedent in international negotiations and in crafting future treaties. Coming in the lead-up to COP30, scheduled for November in Brazil, it will provide smaller countries with important new leverage.
The crucial points
For much of its history, the ICJ has maintained a balanced approach and a reluctance to set hard legal boundaries in politically sensitive matters. That approach helped establish its legitimacy as the principal organ for public international law.
The 2025 climate advisory opinion shows the Court continuing that trend, relying heavily on existing legal norms to cautiously advance state obligations. Its ability to do so reflects increased judicial confidence in addressing risks posed by climate change – as a result of stronger legal frameworks, scientific consensus on climate change impacts, and widespread state practices creating emerging norms and customary international law.
The opinion finds that international law on climate change is derived from multiple sources, including climate change and environmental treaties, international human rights law and customary international law. And it lays out a number of significant findings.
The opinion finds that state parties to the Kyoto Protocol must act with due diligence to fulfil the commitments made in the protocol, including common but differentiated responsibilities for high emitters.
It also finds that state parties to the Paris Agreement are obliged to prepare, communicate and maintain nationally determined contributions (NDCs) which, when taken together, can contain global warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. The opinion affirms that the International Law Commission’s Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (2001) applies to climate change law, which will increase certainty when pursuing remedies for environmental harms that cross borders.
The opinion also enshrines two duties: the first is to prevent significant harm to the environment, embedding a core due diligence standard requiring countries to maintain legal, regulatory, administrative and enforcement measures to achieve rapid and sustained reductions in emissions.
And the opinion affirms a mandatory duty on states to cooperate internationally, acting in good faith through information-sharing, joint efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change, and transferring the technology needed to achieve the goals of the climate treaties. Both of these duties are customary law, therefore applicable to all states regardless of their signatory status with climate change treaties.
Can the ICJ enforce these obligations?
The advisory opinion lacks binding force, but its legal significance is far from symbolic. The opinion carries weight as an authoritative interpretation of law, and has the potential to reshape global climate governance as a tool of ‘preventive diplomacy’.
The legal principles clarified in the opinion are binding as part of international law. For example, it clarifies the core principles of attribution and causation in meeting legal obligations to prevent harm. Just as importantly, the opinion serves as a signal to governments that national and regional policies should align with evolving international legal norms.
By clarifying state responsibilities, the opinion can influence future treaty-making. It will also be hugely influential in shaping future climate-related litigation, allowing claims to be grounded in states’ duties to prevent and repair harms created by climate change based on their conduct, not merely intent.
That threat of increased legal exposure could play an important role in increasing an incentive for high-emitting economies to raise their environmental standards.
Legal risk for states and corporations
The opinion unquestionably expands countries’ legal exposure by confirming that all states have binding duties regardless of their participation in climate treaties. For example, this may still apply to the US despite its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement (though its compliance is unlikely in the short term).
The opinion elevates climate policy from a political commitment to a legal duty, exposing governments to increased legal risk should they fail to regulate emissions adequately, conduct environmental impact assessments, or align their policies with international standards. Failure to perform due diligence – especially concerning fossil fuel production, subsidies, or inadequate climate legislation – will now open the door to claims, besides risking reputational damage.